L'Éclaircie, by Philippe Sollers, is arriving, an arrival that corresponds with that of my own break in the clouds, a clearing for life and love and thought to open yet more. I greatly look forward to reading it.
2012 is a gift I welcome and am grateful for. Yes, I can enoy another twelve months of life; yes, I am well and confident, ever better, ever stronger; yes, I will speak up for all those everywhere who also need a chance, need support, need protection, need encouragement.
There is no turning back, no relinquishing what has been achieved, no doubt, no despair.
There is only hope and thought and love and ongoing life.
And with that, we can ensure freedom and rights for all everywhere...
the right to think, speak, love, and to be cured of illness.
I wish for more such fellow countrymen before the country of my birth sinks fully into the dark night of medieval ignorance and prejudice. Mr. Prayer-Perry should perhaps ask his god who gave him the right to demean and discriminate other fellow humans or to deny them the rights and privileges and duties he enjoys himself. He is not running a campaign for president, but a campaign for Ayatollah of America. Watch out, people, before they put you under a veil with stars and stripes and introduce a christaria reminiscent of the horrors one of the first great American authors, Nathaniel Hawthorne, described in The Scarlet Letter. I for one will always be in solidarity with all the Hester Prynnes everywhere!
The New York Times, by RICHARD A. OPPEL Jr., Published: December 8, 2011
OKATIE, S.C. — Gov. Rick Perry of Texas’ hard turn the past two days on gay issues, in which he has suggested that gay rights are inconsistent with both American and Christian values, has generated enormous criticism from lesbian and gay organizations and some religious groups, and has even helped split Mr. Perry’s top campaign aides over a new ad.
In that campaign ad, released on Wednesday, Mr. Perry says “you don’t need to be in the pew every Sunday” to know it is wrong that gay men and lesbians openly serve in the military at a time when there is no organized prayer in public schools.
Christa Wolf Dies at 82; Wrote of the Germanys
By DAVID BINDER and BRUCE WEBER, Published: December 1, 2011, The New York Times
Ms. Wolf, a leading writer from the former East Germany, explored the weight of history on ordinary people as well as her own struggles with Nazism and life in a Communist society.
... yes, drink tea is what those lame-brains should do and leave governing the country, especially given the implications of poorly caring for a citizenry and a country's obligations in our ever more globalized system, to those interested in and committed to governing well, judiciously, fairly, socially, responsibly rather than to those who are actually only interested in abolishing government altogether.
It is time to call these Tea-Party denizens what they truly are: dangerously radical ANARCHISTS !
See also this accurate editorial in today's print edition of The New York Times:
To Escape Chaos, a Terrible Deal
There is little to like about the tentative agreement between Congressional leaders and the White House except that it happened at all. The deal would avert a catastrophic government default, immediately and probably through the end of 2012. The rest of it is a nearly complete capitulation to the hostage-taking demands of Republican extremists. It will hurt programs for the middle class and poor, and hinder an economic recovery.
[...]
Democratic negotiators decided that the automatic cut system, as bad as it is, was less of a threat to the economy than another default crisis, and many are counting on future Congresses to undo its arbitrary butchering.
Sadly, in a political environment laced with lunacy, that calculation is probably correct. Some Republicans in the House were inviting a default, hoping that an economic earthquake would shake Washington and the Obama administration beyond recognition. Democrats were right to fear the effects of a default and the impact of a new recession on all Americans.
President Obama could have been more adamant in dealing with Republicans, perhaps threatening to use constitutional powers to ignore the debt ceiling if Congress abrogated its responsibility to raise it. But this episode demonstrates the effectiveness of extortion. Reasonable people are forced to give in to those willing to endanger the national interest.
Democrats can look forward to the expiration of the Bush tax cuts next year, and will have to make the case in the 2012 elections for new lawmakers who will undo the damage.
Use money wisely, tax wisely and fairly, spend on needs!
Freedom is the justice of the recognition of the validity and right to be of the difference of others, i.e. of others' freedom. There is no freedom without others, no justice without freedom, no freedom without its recognition and acceptance of and by others.
New York Allows Same-Sex Marriage, Becoming Largest State to Pass Law
The New York Times, June 24, 2011
ALBANY — Lawmakers voted late Friday to legalize same-sex marriage, making New York the largest state where gay and lesbian couples will be able to wed and giving the national gay-rights movement new momentum from the state where it was born. [...]
Dozens more states have laws or constitutional amendments banning same-sex marriage. Many of them were approved in the past few years, as same-sex marriage moved to the front line of the culture war and politicians deployed the issue as a tool for energizing their base.
But New York could be a shift: It is now by far the largest state to grant legal recognition to same-sex weddings, and one that is home to a large, visible and politically influential gay community. Supporters of the measure described the victory in New York as especially symbolic — and poignant — because of its rich place in the history of gay rights: the movement’s foundational moment, in June 1969, was a riot against police inside the Stonewall Inn, a bar in the West Village.
In Albany, there was elation after the vote. But leading up to it, there were moments of tension and frustration. At one point, Senator Kevin S. Parker, a Brooklyn Democrat, erupted when he and other supporters learned they would not be allowed to make a floor speech.
“This is not right,” he yelled, before storming from the chamber.
During a brief recess during the voting, Senator Shirley L. Huntley, a Queens Democrat who had only recently come out in support of same sex marriage, strode from her seat to the back of the Senate chamber to congratulate Daniel J. O’Donnell, an openly gay Manhattan lawmaker who sponsored the legislation in the Assembly.
They hugged, and Assemblyman O’Donnell, standing with his longtime partner, began to tear up.
“We’re going to invite you to our wedding,” Mr. O’Donnell said. “Now we have to figure out how to pay for one.”
There is really nothing else to say. It is so absurd, painful, arrogant, and inhumane that some people so HATE others LOVING each other and making a commitment to that LOVE !
Why do so many Republicans hate so much and fear the freedom of their fellow citizens so intensely?
West Central TribuneLegislature sends anti-gay marriage amendment to 2012 election
ST. PAUL -- An 18-month campaign about gay marriage began moments after the Minnesota House approved a constitutional amendment on the issue late Saturday. [...]
The House debate, the most emotional in years, climaxed with Rep. John Kriesel, R-Cottage Grove, explaining why he was one of four Republicans to vote against the amendment.
Kriesel recalled losing both legs to an improvised explosive device in Iraq.
“I nearly died...” Kriesel said to a silent House. “I thought I was dead. I remember thinking about my life and kids. ... It changed me.”
If he can be with who he loves, the freshman lawmaker said, others also should have that ability.
His wife sitting nearby, Kriesel added that he joined the Army at 17 because “I love the country.”
“This amendment doesn’t represent what I went to fight for,” he said, with demonstrators’ chants drifting in from outside the House chamber. “Hear that out there? That is what I went to fight for and I am glad about that.”
After ending on the losing side, Kriesel went out through the giant House doors to the loudest cheer of the day from gay rights supporters.
He walked past them en route back to his office, with dozens of people shaking his hand or offering a hug.
When he left, the crowd of a couple hundred resumed singing “We Shall Overcome” and chanting “We Will Prevail.”THERE IS ANOTHER POSSIBILITY:For First Time, Majority of Americans Favor Legal Gay Marriage
Republicans and older Americans remain opposed
by Frank Newport
PRINCETON, NJ -- For the first time in Gallup's tracking of the issue, a majority of Americans (53%) believe same-sex marriage should be recognized by the law as valid, with the same rights as traditional marriages. The increase since last year came exclusively among political independents and Democrats. Republicans' views did not change.
The right to collective bargaining and organization of workers in unions is the ONLY reason workers have any protection and benefits on the workplace anywhere in the world! The curtailment of collective bargaining rights place an utterly unfair advantage in the hands of owners to maximize profits while dehumanizing society! WORK IS NOT FOR OWNERS' PROFITS BUT FOR A DECENT LIFE FOR THOSE WHO WORK! That various states in the USA are curtailing union and collective bargaining rights is a move back to the early 19th Century. Unless you'd like to live in shop housing, have black lung, die of tuberculosis, have no vacation or sick leave ever, work 80 hours a week, maybe even pay for the "privilege" of having a job, you'd better wake up and stand up for the unions who are there to stand up for your rights!
How good, in this world of governmental incompetents and fools, that the current president of the United States is one who thinks and has true concern for the rights of man against the draconian repression of dictators!
The White House Office of the Press Secretary For Immediate Release March 28, 2011 Remarks by the President in Address to the Nation on Libya National Defense UniversityWashington, D.C. 7:31 P.M. EDT THE PRESIDENT: Tonight, I’d like to update the American people on the international effort that we have led in Libya –- what we’ve done, what we plan to do, and why this matters to us. I want to begin by paying tribute to our men and women in uniform who, once again, have acted with courage, professionalism and patriotism. They have moved with incredible speed and strength. Because of them and our dedicated diplomats, a coalition has been forged and countless lives have been saved. Meanwhile, as we speak, our troops are supporting our ally Japan, leaving Iraq to its people, stopping the Taliban’s momentum in Afghanistan, and going after al Qaeda all across the globe. As Commander-in-Chief, I’m grateful to our soldiers, sailors, airmen, Marines, Coast Guardsmen, and to their families. And I know all Americans share in that sentiment. For generations, the United States of America has played a unique role as an anchor of global security and as an advocate for human freedom. Mindful of the risks and costs of military action, we are naturally reluctant to use force to solve the world’s many challenges. But when our interests and values are at stake, we have a responsibility to act. That’s what happened in Libya over the course of these last six weeks. Libya sits directly between Tunisia and Egypt -– two nations that inspired the world when their people rose up to take control of their own destiny. For more than four decades, the Libyan people have been ruled by a tyrant -– Muammar Qaddafi. He has denied his people freedom, exploited their wealth, murdered opponents at home and abroad, and terrorized innocent people around the world –- including Americans who were killed by Libyan agents. Last month, Qaddafi’s grip of fear appeared to give way to the promise of freedom. In cities and towns across the country, Libyans took to the streets to claim their basic human rights. As one Libyan said, “For the first time we finally have hope that our nightmare of 40 years will soon be over.” Faced with this opposition, Qaddafi began attacking his people. As President, my immediate concern was the safety of our citizens, so we evacuated our embassy and all Americans who sought our assistance. Then we took a series of swift steps in a matter of days to answer Qaddafi’s aggression. We froze more than $33 billion of Qaddafi’s regime’s assets. Joining with other nations at the United Nations Security Council, we broadened our sanctions, imposed an arms embargo, and enabled Qaddafi and those around him to be held accountable for their crimes. I made it clear that Qaddafi had lost the confidence of his people and the legitimacy to lead, and I said that he needed to step down from power. In the face of the world’s condemnation, Qaddafi chose to escalate his attacks, launching a military campaign against the Libyan people. Innocent people were targeted for killing. Hospitals and ambulances were attacked. Journalists were arrested, sexually assaulted, and killed. Supplies of food and fuel were choked off. Water for hundreds of thousands of people in Misurata was shut off. Cities and towns were shelled, mosques were destroyed, and apartment buildings reduced to rubble. Military jets and helicopter gunships were unleashed upon people who had no means to defend themselves against assaults from the air. Confronted by this brutal repression and a looming humanitarian crisis, I ordered warships into the Mediterranean. European allies declared their willingness to commit resources to stop the killing. The Libyan opposition and the Arab League appealed to the world to save lives in Libya. And so at my direction, America led an effort with our allies at the United Nations Security Council to pass a historic resolution that authorized a no-fly zone to stop the regime’s attacks from the air, and further authorized all necessary measures to protect the Libyan people. Ten days ago, having tried to end the violence without using force, the international community offered Qaddafi a final chance to stop his campaign of killing, or face the consequences. Rather than stand down, his forces continued their advance, bearing down on the city of Benghazi, home to nearly 700,000 men, women and children who sought their freedom from fear. At this point, the United States and the world faced a choice. Qaddafi declared he would show “no mercy” to his own people. He compared them to rats, and threatened to go door to door to inflict punishment. In the past, we have seen him hang civilians in the streets, and kill over a thousand people in a single day. Now we saw regime forces on the outskirts of the city. We knew that if we wanted -- if we waited one more day, Benghazi, a city nearly the size of Charlotte, could suffer a massacre that would have reverberated across the region and stained the conscience of the world. It was not in our national interest to let that happen. I refused to let that happen. And so nine days ago, after consulting the bipartisan leadership of Congress, I authorized military action to stop the killing and enforce U.N. Security Council Resolution 1973. We struck regime forces approaching Benghazi to save that city and the people within it. We hit Qaddafi’s troops in neighboring Ajdabiya, allowing the opposition to drive them out. We hit Qaddafi’s air defenses, which paved the way for a no-fly zone. We targeted tanks and military assets that had been choking off towns and cities, and we cut off much of their source of supply. And tonight, I can report that we have stopped Qaddafi’s deadly advance. In this effort, the United States has not acted alone. Instead, we have been joined by a strong and growing coalition. This includes our closest allies -– nations like the United Kingdom, France, Canada, Denmark, Norway, Italy, Spain, Greece, and Turkey –- all of whom have fought by our sides for decades. And it includes Arab partners like Qatar and the United Arab Emirates, who have chosen to meet their responsibilities to defend the Libyan people. To summarize, then: In just one month, the United States has worked with our international partners to mobilize a broad coalition, secure an international mandate to protect civilians, stop an advancing army, prevent a massacre, and establish a no-fly zone with our allies and partners. To lend some perspective on how rapidly this military and diplomatic response came together, when people were being brutalized in Bosnia in the 1990s, it took the international community more than a year to intervene with air power to protect civilians. It took us 31 days. Moreover, we’ve accomplished these objectives consistent with the pledge that I made to the American people at the outset of our military operations. I said that America’s role would be limited; that we would not put ground troops into Libya; that we would focus our unique capabilities on the front end of the operation and that we would transfer responsibility to our allies and partners. Tonight, we are fulfilling that pledge. Our most effective alliance, NATO, has taken command of the enforcement of the arms embargo and the no-fly zone. Last night, NATO decided to take on the additional responsibility of protecting Libyan civilians. This transfer from the United States to NATO will take place on Wednesday. Going forward, the lead in enforcing the no-fly zone and protecting civilians on the ground will transition to our allies and partners, and I am fully confident that our coalition will keep the pressure on Qaddafi’s remaining forces. In that effort, the United States will play a supporting role -- including intelligence, logistical support, search and rescue assistance, and capabilities to jam regime communications. Because of this transition to a broader, NATO-based coalition, the risk and cost of this operation -- to our military and to American taxpayers -- will be reduced significantly. So for those who doubted our capacity to carry out this operation, I want to be clear: The United States of America has done what we said we would do. That’s not to say that our work is complete. In addition to our NATO responsibilities, we will work with the international community to provide assistance to the people of Libya, who need food for the hungry and medical care for the wounded. We will safeguard the more than $33 billion that was frozen from the Qaddafi regime so that it’s available to rebuild Libya. After all, the money doesn’t belong to Qaddafi or to us -- it belongs to the Libyan people. And we’ll make sure they receive it. Tomorrow, Secretary Clinton will go to London, where she will meet with the Libyan opposition and consult with more than 30 nations. These discussions will focus on what kind of political effort is necessary to pressure Qaddafi, while also supporting a transition to the future that the Libyan people deserve -- because while our military mission is narrowly focused on saving lives, we continue to pursue the broader goal of a Libya that belongs not to a dictator, but to its people. Now, despite the success of our efforts over the past week, I know that some Americans continue to have questions about our efforts in Libya. Qaddafi has not yet stepped down from power, and until he does, Libya will remain dangerous. Moreover, even after Qaddafi does leave power, 40 years of tyranny has left Libya fractured and without strong civil institutions. The transition to a legitimate government that is responsive to the Libyan people will be a difficult task. And while the United States will do our part to help, it will be a task for the international community and –- more importantly –- a task for the Libyan people themselves. In fact, much of the debate in Washington has put forward a false choice when it comes to Libya. On the one hand, some question why America should intervene at all -– even in limited ways –- in this distant land. They argue that there are many places in the world where innocent civilians face brutal violence at the hands of their government, and America should not be expected to police the world, particularly when we have so many pressing needs here at home. It’s true that America cannot use our military wherever repression occurs. And given the costs and risks of intervention, we must always measure our interests against the need for action. But that cannot be an argument for never acting on behalf of what’s right. In this particular country -– Libya -- at this particular moment, we were faced with the prospect of violence on a horrific scale. We had a unique ability to stop that violence: an international mandate for action, a broad coalition prepared to join us, the support of Arab countries, and a plea for help from the Libyan people themselves. We also had the ability to stop Qaddafi’s forces in their tracks without putting American troops on the ground. To brush aside America’s responsibility as a leader and -– more profoundly -– our responsibilities to our fellow human beings under such circumstances would have been a betrayal of who we are. Some nations may be able to turn a blind eye to atrocities in other countries. The United States of America is different. And as President, I refused to wait for the images of slaughter and mass graves before taking action. Moreover, America has an important strategic interest in preventing Qaddafi from overrunning those who oppose him. A massacre would have driven thousands of additional refugees across Libya’s borders, putting enormous strains on the peaceful –- yet fragile -– transitions in Egypt and Tunisia. The democratic impulses that are dawning across the region would be eclipsed by the darkest form of dictatorship, as repressive leaders concluded that violence is the best strategy to cling to power. The writ of the United Nations Security Council would have been shown to be little more than empty words, crippling that institution’s future credibility to uphold global peace and security. So while I will never minimize the costs involved in military action, I am convinced that a failure to act in Libya would have carried a far greater price for America. Now, just as there are those who have argued against intervention in Libya, there are others who have suggested that we broaden our military mission beyond the task of protecting the Libyan people, and do whatever it takes to bring down Qaddafi and usher in a new government. Of course, there is no question that Libya -– and the world –- would be better off with Qaddafi out of power. I, along with many other world leaders, have embraced that goal, and will actively pursue it through non-military means. But broadening our military mission to include regime change would be a mistake. The task that I assigned our forces -– to protect the Libyan people from immediate danger, and to establish a no-fly zone -– carries with it a U.N. mandate and international support. It’s also what the Libyan opposition asked us to do. If we tried to overthrow Qaddafi by force, our coalition would splinter. We would likely have to put U.S. troops on the ground to accomplish that mission, or risk killing many civilians from the air. The dangers faced by our men and women in uniform would be far greater. So would the costs and our share of the responsibility for what comes next. To be blunt, we went down that road in Iraq. Thanks to the extraordinary sacrifices of our troops and the determination of our diplomats, we are hopeful about Iraq’s future. But regime change there took eight years, thousands of American and Iraqi lives, and nearly a trillion dollars. That is not something we can afford to repeat in Libya. As the bulk of our military effort ratchets down, what we can do -- and will do -- is support the aspirations of the Libyan people. We have intervened to stop a massacre, and we will work with our allies and partners to maintain the safety of civilians. We will deny the regime arms, cut off its supplies of cash, assist the opposition, and work with other nations to hasten the day when Qaddafi leaves power. It may not happen overnight, as a badly weakened Qaddafi tries desperately to hang on to power. But it should be clear to those around Qaddafi, and to every Libyan, that history is not on Qaddafi’s side. With the time and space that we have provided for the Libyan people, they will be able to determine their own destiny, and that is how it should be. Let me close by addressing what this action says about the use of America’s military power, and America’s broader leadership in the world, under my presidency. As Commander-in-Chief, I have no greater responsibility than keeping this country safe. And no decision weighs on me more than when to deploy our men and women in uniform. I’ve made it clear that I will never hesitate to use our military swiftly, decisively, and unilaterally when necessary to defend our people, our homeland, our allies and our core interests. That's why we’re going after al Qaeda wherever they seek a foothold. That is why we continue to fight in Afghanistan, even as we have ended our combat mission in Iraq and removed more than 100,000 troops from that country. There will be times, though, when our safety is not directly threatened, but our interests and our values are. Sometimes, the course of history poses challenges that threaten our common humanity and our common security -– responding to natural disasters, for example; or preventing genocide and keeping the peace; ensuring regional security, and maintaining the flow of commerce. These may not be America’s problems alone, but they are important to us. They’re problems worth solving. And in these circumstances, we know that the United States, as the world’s most powerful nation, will often be called upon to help. In such cases, we should not be afraid to act -– but the burden of action should not be America’s alone. As we have in Libya, our task is instead to mobilize the international community for collective action. Because contrary to the claims of some, American leadership is not simply a matter of going it alone and bearing all of the burden ourselves. Real leadership creates the conditions and coalitions for others to step up as well; to work with allies and partners so that they bear their share of the burden and pay their share of the costs; and to see that the principles of justice and human dignity are upheld by all. That’s the kind of leadership we’ve shown in Libya. Of course, even when we act as part of a coalition, the risks of any military action will be high. Those risks were realized when one of our planes malfunctioned over Libya. Yet when one of our airmen parachuted to the ground, in a country whose leader has so often demonized the United States –- in a region that has such a difficult history with our country –- this American did not find enemies. Instead, he was met by people who embraced him. One young Libyan who came to his aid said, “We are your friends. We are so grateful to those men who are protecting the skies.” This voice is just one of many in a region where a new generation is refusing to be denied their rights and opportunities any longer. Yes, this change will make the world more complicated for a time. Progress will be uneven, and change will come differently to different countries. There are places, like Egypt, where this change will inspire us and raise our hopes. And then there will be places, like Iran, where change is fiercely suppressed. The dark forces of civil conflict and sectarian war will have to be averted, and difficult political and economic concerns will have to be addressed. The United States will not be able to dictate the pace and scope of this change. Only the people of the region can do that. But we can make a difference. I believe that this movement of change cannot be turned back, and that we must stand alongside those who believe in the same core principles that have guided us through many storms: our opposition to violence directed at one’s own people; our support for a set of universal rights, including the freedom for people to express themselves and choose their leaders; our support for governments that are ultimately responsive to the aspirations of the people. Born, as we are, out of a revolution by those who longed to be free, we welcome the fact that history is on the move in the Middle East and North Africa, and that young people are leading the way. Because wherever people long to be free, they will find a friend in the United States. Ultimately, it is that faith -- those ideals -- that are the true measure of American leadership. My fellow Americans, I know that at a time of upheaval overseas -- when the news is filled with conflict and change -- it can be tempting to turn away from the world. And as I’ve said before, our strength abroad is anchored in our strength here at home. That must always be our North Star -- the ability of our people to reach their potential, to make wise choices with our resources, to enlarge the prosperity that serves as a wellspring for our power, and to live the values that we hold so dear. But let us also remember that for generations, we have done the hard work of protecting our own people, as well as millions around the globe. We have done so because we know that our own future is safer, our own future is brighter, if more of mankind can live with the bright light of freedom and dignity. Tonight, let us give thanks for the Americans who are serving through these trying times, and the coalition that is carrying our effort forward. And let us look to the future with confidence and hope not only for our own country, but for all those yearning for freedom around the world. Thank you. God bless you, and may God bless the United States of America. (Applause.) Thank you. END 7:58 P.M. EDT
Indeed it is time to repeal this arcane obstacle to the equality of gay civil partnerships and marriages before the law, with all the same privileges and responsibilities! Heteros have nothing to fear whatsoever; the only thing that might make them nervous is their own unconfessed, repressed, or closeted inclinations or secret activities. But you know what? I don't even care if they want to continue to hide! I don't and will not accept any discrimination because of their hang-ups!
It is good that the Security Council of the UN called for intervention to halt crazed Qadafi's decimation of the people in "his" country. Far too long, the world had watched silently. May this be the beginning of the liberation of Libya from its dictator and of rule there of, for, and by the people!
Le temps presse en Libye. Jour après jour, heure après heure, avec sa force armée meurtrière - avions, hélicoptères, chars, missiles, mercenaires -, le dictateur Kadhafi reprend la main sur son pays et écrase les efforts du peuple libyen qui tente de se libérer. Le tyran, décidé à noyer son pays dans "des rivières de sang", mitraille les populations civiles, "purge" les villes des opposants et fait régner la terreur. Partout, à Tripoli et dans les régions reprises à la rébellion, les hommes sont enlevés en nombre pour être conduits dans les salles de torture et assassinés.[...]Nous demandons donc d'urgence au gouvernement français de tout faire avec ses partenaires pour que l'ONU respecte son engagement "responsibility to protect", et que l'Europe prenne ses responsabilités et prouve que son souhait de voir partir le colonel libyen n'est pas un voeu pieux. Il faut obtenir de toute urgence une réunion du Conseil de sécurité pour qu'il donne mandat à une intervention. Mais qu'il ne serve pas une fois de plus d'alibi à notre inaction face au crime.
Il n'appartient pas aux gouvernements russe et chinois de nous contraindre à laisser massacrer la démocratie libyenne. C'est maintenant, tout de suite, qu'il faut agir. Maintenant, tout de suite, qu'il faut en finir avec le bourreau.
Nicole Bacharan, historienne ; Etienne Beaulieu, chercheur ; Jane Birkin, artiste ; Pascal Bruckner, écrivain ; Daniel Cohn-Bendit, député européen ; Frédéric Encel, géopolitologue ; Raphaël Enthoven, philosophe ; André Glucksmann, philosophe ; Romain Goupil, cinéaste ; Nicole Guedj, ancienne ministre ; Gilles Hertzog, éditeur ; Bernard Kouchner, ancien ministre ; Claude Lanzmann, écrivain ; Bernard-Henri Lévy, philosophe, membre du conseil de surveillance du "Monde" ; Olivier Rolin, écrivain ; Olivier Rubinstein, éditeur ; Antoine Sfeir, journaliste ; Dominique Simonnet, écrivain
Gesamtausgabe Band 53: Anmerkungen zu Hölderlins Hymne "Der Ister"
provides very enjoyable and thoughtful reading while here at Virchow, especially when you can see (and then ignore) the (mute) TV images the other patient in the room is watching from the private commercial stations all day.
And for variety, when I need to let a couple of sections solidify reflectively in my mind, I pick up John Waters' Role Models for a taste of truly tasteful trashy extravagance of the artistic mind.
Roth's Nemesis is also waiting to be begun, and there is a volume of lesser known one-acters by Tennesse Williams also on the shelf.
And if the counts are too low, or the chemo and the rest has just left me too tired, then a nap after lunch is also allowed.
After all, I have to drag out the laptop and check in here every once in a while, also news sources, to make sure they haven't further screwed up the world while I haven't been watching as closely.
That the plagiarist ex-Dr. not at all noble Guttenberg finally resigned from his position of Defense Minister here, still claiming he has done nothing wrong, may be the reason his university now accuses him of intentional plagiarism and has turned the whole thing over to the state attorney for investigation and possible charges.
That Kadaffi is still around is a reason to wish all those against him as much strength and endurance in their battle to shake off the yoke of tyranny as possible.
And my personal current experience should be a reminder to those in the country from which I hail of how important universal health insurance truly is
That is the Rudolf-Virchow-Klinikum for me for several weeks into the future now; Thursday last I came in. Here, the team, facilities, everything is great, and chemo has already begun to defeat my leukemia. I am so thankful that Detlef is at my side in this whole long struggle, and trust that I will always be able to give him the sustenance he needs. He is my lover and my life, my husband and my best friend, my stimulus and my calm. It is for him that I am fighting this disease.
I had never wanted to post such things in my blog.
Who would?
But once more, it is true:
"Wo aber Gefahr ist, wächst
das Rettende auch."
That will also be the case when my bone marrow, I hope, is completely wiped out so that only non-leukemic cells appear when it regenerates.
'But where danger is, grows
what saves, too.'
Hölderlin knew more than most!
Unexpectedly at home to await final lab results, I have time to consider if that particular hospital is the one I need to return to next week or instead find an alternative...
-----
And a night's sleep in my own bed with my husband has reinforced me in my intention to clarify and alter the situation this morning (Wed.) at my own doctor's office.
I am in charge!
---> good results in talk at doctor's office this morning!
