Friday, August 11, 2006

Fear Not : Think !

Think of what "is" means in the simple assertion that the sky is blue. Follow the path opened by your act of thinking such a thought.
And smile, speak, sing, dance, love, BE sensual, BE what only a human can BE : Aware that he and so much else IS.
Abandon all dark paths of mysticism and religion and celebrate Being, open yourself to let Being suffuse you with enthusiasm.
And when you fear, you will know it is only one of fear's aspects which makes you lament the fact that your life will have an end; the other aspect of that fear is the insight that only you have into that given and can soar with it.

STOP THE KILLING EVERYWHERE !
STOP PLOTTING TO KILL OR TO EXACT REVENGE FOR KILLING !
ALL ANIMALS CAN KILL, even if some do not; BUT ONLY HUMANS CAN THINK !

stop terrorists on all sides, stop terror, stop terrorizing, stop limiting thought

Tuesday, August 8, 2006

Vermessung der Welt eine vermessene Anmaßung!

Kehlmanns Roman beutet historische Größen aus, um selbst Größe zu beanspruchen, doch bleibt das ganze ein Büchlein für Leute, die beim Lesen so nah wie möglich an Fernsehserienstrukturen und -tiefen bleiben wollen. Lieber ehrlich eine schlechte Fernsehsendung schauen, als diese möchtegern schwere, aber eigentlich urleichte Kost für niedrige Ansprüche derjenigen lesen, die nur zu lesen vorgeben, weil das Fernsehen nicht "intellektuell" sei. Mir imponiert es mehr, wenn jemand einen Groschenroman liest.
Und Alexander von Humboldt wäre nie so prüde wie in diesem prüden Roman vorgestellt.

Which all means: if an English version of Daniel Kehlmann's novel on Alexander von Humboldt and Carl-Friedrich Gauß appears, or has appeared, presumably under a title along the lines of "Measuring the World", don't bother to read it unless you just want to prove you can read when you don't have to, want to appear intellectual without having to be so, and would actually rather be watching a low-brow TV series episode.
My advice: watch some bad tv and leave this pretentious tv-book made to be a film alone!

Sunday, August 6, 2006

France-US agree on draft UN resolution Israel-Lebanon

This is the draft of the compromise resolution between the US and France on resolving the Lebanon crisis to be presented to the entire Security Council in the next hours/days.

The Security Council,
PP1. Recalling all its previous resolutions on Lebanon, in particular resolutions 425 (1978), 426 (1978), 520 (1982), 1559 (2004), 1655 (2006) and 1680 (2006), as well as the statements of its President on the situation in Lebanon, in particular the statements of 18 June 2000 (S/PRST/2000/21), of 19 October 2004 (S/PRST/2004/36), of 4 May 2005 (S/PRST/2005/17) of 23 January 2006 (S/PRST/2006/3) and of 30 July 2006 (S/PRST/2006/35),
PP2. Expressing its utmost concern at the continuing escalation of hostilities in Lebanon and in Israel since Hizbollah's attack on Israel on 12 July 2006, which has already caused hundreds of deaths and injuries on both sides, extensive damage to civilian infrastructure and hundreds of thousands of internally displaced persons,
PP3. Emphasizing the need for an end of violence, but at the same time emphasizing the need to address urgently the causes that have given rise to the current crisis, including by the unconditional release of the abducted Israeli soldiers,
PP4: Mindful of the sensitivity of the issue of prisoners and encouraging the efforts aimed at settling the issue of the Lebanese prisoners detained in Israel,
OP1. Calls for a full cessation of hostilities based upon, in particular, the immediate cessation by Hizbollah of all attacks and the immediate cessation by Israel of all offensive military operations;
OP2. Reiterates its strong support for full respect for the Blue Line;
OP3. Also reiterates its strong support for the territorial integrity, sovereignty and political independence of Lebanon within its internationally recognized borders, as contemplated by the Israeli-Lebanese General Armistice Agreement of 23 March 1949;
OP4. Calls on the international community to take immediate steps to extend its financial and humanitarian assistance to the Lebanese people, including through facilitating the safe return of displaced persons and, under the authority of the Government of Lebanon, reopening airports and harbours for verifiably and purely civilian purposes, and calls on it also to consider further assistance in the future to contribute to the reconstruction and development of Lebanon;
OP5. Emphasizes the importance of the extension of the control of the Government of Lebanon over all Lebanese territory in accordance with the provisions of resolution 1559 (2004) and resolution 1680 (2006), and of the relevant provisions of the Taif Accords, for it to exercise its full sovereignty and authority;
OP6. Calls for Israel and Lebanon to support a permanent ceasefire and a long-term solution based on the following principles and elements:
· strict respect by all parties for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Israel and Lebanon;
· full respect for the Blue Line by both parties;
· delineation of the international borders of Lebanon, especially in those areas where the border is disputed or uncertain, including in the Shebaa farms area;
· security arrangements to prevent the resumption of hostilities, including the establishment between the Blue Line and the Litani river of an area free of any armed personnel, assets and weapons other than those of the Lebanese armed and security forces and of UN mandated international forces deployed in this area;
· full implementation of the relevant provisions of the Taif Accords and of resolutions 1559 (2004) and 1680 (2006) that require the disarmament of all armed groups in Lebanon, so that, pursuant to the Lebanese cabinet decision of July 27, 2006, there will be no weapons or authority in Lebanon other than that of the Lebanese state;
· deployment of an international force in Lebanon, consistent with paragraph 10 below;
· establishment of an international embargo on the sale or supply of arms and related material to Lebanon except as authorized by its government;
· elimination of foreign forces in Lebanon without the consent of its government;
· provision to the United Nations of remaining maps of land mines in Lebanon in Israel's possession;
OP7. Invites the Secretary General to support efforts to secure agreements in principle from the Government of Lebanon and the Government of Israel to the principles and elements for a long-term solution as set forth in paragraph 6 above;
OP8. Requests the Secretary General to develop, in liaison with key international actors and the concerned parties, proposals to implement the relevant provisions of the Taif Accords, and of resolutions 1559 (2004) and 1680 (2006), including disarmament, and for delineation of the international borders of Lebanon, especially in those areas where the border is disputed or uncertain, including by dealing with the Shebaa farms, and to present those proposals to the Security Council within thirty days;
OP9. Calls on all parties to cooperate during this period with the Security Council and to refrain from any action contrary to paragraph 1 above that might adversely affect the search for a long-term solution, humanitarian access to civilian populations, or the safe return of displaced persons, and requests the Secretary General to keep the Council informed in this regard;
OP10. Expresses its intention, upon confirmation to the Security Council that the Government of Lebanon and the Government of Israel have agreed in principle to the principles and elements for a long-term solution as set forth in paragraph 6 above, and subject to their approval, to authorize in a further resolution under Chapter VII of the Charter the deployment of a UN mandated international force to support the Lebanese armed forces and government in providing a secure environment and contribute to the implementation of a permanent ceasefire and a long-term solution;
OP11. Requests UNIFIL, upon cessation of hostilities, to monitor its implementation and to extend its assistance to help ensure humanitarian access to civilian populations and the safe return of displaced persons;
OP12. Calls upon the Government of Lebanon to ensure arms or related materiel are not imported into Lebanon without its consent and requests UNIFIL, conditions permitting, to assist the Government of Lebanon at its request;
OP13. Requests the Secretary-General to report to the Council within one week on the implementation of this resolution and to provide any relevant information in light of the Council's intention to adopt, consistent with paragraph 10 above, a further resolution;
OP14. Decides to remain actively seized of the matter.

Friday, July 28, 2006

Ricey Playpen Victory in Bushbaby Style

Way to go, Cundi! That'll show'em, right? "The new Middle East" and its little old "birth pangs"! Don't do anything at all to stop the bombing of nearly all of Lebanon, a majority of whose population WAS NOT in favor of Hezbollah --- at least before what has now been going on for 18 days!
This is what you've managed to achieve!
Tide of Arab Opinion Turns to Support for Hezbollah
The New York Times
By NEIL MacFARQUHAR
Published: July 28, 2006

DAMASCUS, Syria, July 27 — At the onset of the Lebanese crisis, Arab governments, starting with Saudi Arabia, slammed Hezbollah for recklessly provoking a war, providing what the United States and Israel took as a wink and a nod to continue the fight.
Now, with hundreds of Lebanese dead and Hezbollah holding out against the vaunted Israeli military for more than two weeks, the tide of public opinion across the Arab world is surging behind the organization, transforming the Shiite group’s leader, Sheik Hassan Nasrallah, into a folk hero and forcing a change in official statements.
The Saudi royal family and King Abdullah II of Jordan, who were initially more worried about the rising power of Shiite Iran, Hezbollah’s main sponsor, are scrambling to distance themselves from Washington.
An outpouring of newspaper columns, cartoons, blogs and public poetry readings have showered praise on Hezbollah while attacking the United States and Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice for trumpeting American plans for a “new Middle East” that they say has led only to violence and repression.
Even Al Qaeda, run by violent Sunni Muslim extremists normally hostile to all Shiites, has gotten into the act, with its deputy leader, Ayman al-Zawahri, releasing a taped message saying that through its fighting in Iraq, his organization was also trying to liberate Palestine.
Mouin Rabbani, a senior Middle East analyst in Amman, Jordan, with the International Crisis Group, said, “The Arab-Israeli conflict remains the most potent issue in this part of the world.”
Distinctive changes in tone are audible throughout the Sunni world. This week, President Hosni Mubarak of Egypt emphasized his attempts to arrange a cease-fire to protect all sects in Lebanon, while the Jordanian king announced that his country was dispatching medical teams “for the victims of Israeli aggression.” Both countries have peace treaties with Israel.
The Saudi royal court has issued a dire warning that its 2002 peace plan — offering Israel full recognition by all Arab states in exchange for returning to the borders that predated the 1967 Arab-Israeli war — could well perish.
“If the peace option is rejected due to the Israeli arrogance,” it said, “then only the war option remains, and no one knows the repercussions befalling the region, including wars and conflict that will spare no one, including those whose military power is now tempting them to play with fire.”
The Saudis were putting the West on notice that they would not exert pressure on anyone in the Arab world until Washington did something to halt the destruction of Lebanon, Saudi commentators said.
American officials say that while the Arab leaders need to take a harder line publicly for domestic political reasons, what matters more is what they tell the United States in private, which the Americans still see as a wink and a nod.
There are evident concerns among Arab governments that a victory for Hezbollah — and it has already achieved something of a victory by holding out this long — would further nourish the Islamist tide engulfing the region and challenge their authority. Hence their first priority is to cool simmering public opinion.
But perhaps not since President Gamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt made his emotional outpourings about Arab unity in the 1960’s, before the Arab defeat in the 1967 war, has the public been so electrified by a confrontation with Israel, played out repeatedly on satellite television stations with horrific images from Lebanon of wounded children and distraught women fleeing their homes.
Egypt’s opposition press has had a field day comparing Sheik Nasrallah to Nasser, while demonstrators waved pictures of both.
An editorial in the weekly Al Dustur by Ibrahim Issa, who faces a lengthy jail sentence for his previous criticism of President Mubarak, compared current Arab leaders to the medieval princes who let the Crusaders chip away at Muslim lands until they controlled them all.
After attending an intellectual rally in Cairo for Lebanon, the Egyptian poet Ahmed Fouad Negm wrote a column describing how he had watched a companion buy 20 posters of Sheik Nasrallah.
“People are praying for him as they walk in the street, because we were made to feel oppressed, weak and handicapped,” Mr. Negm said in an interview. “I asked the man who sweeps the street under my building what he thought, and he said: ‘Uncle Ahmed, he has awakened the dead man inside me! May God make him triumphant!’ ”
In Lebanon, Rasha Salti, a freelance writer, summarized the sense that Sheik Nasrallah differed from other Arab leaders.
“Since the war broke out, Hassan Nasrallah has displayed a persona, and public behavior also, to the exact opposite of Arab heads of states,” she wrote in an e-mail message posted on many blogs.
In comparison, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice’s brief visit to the region sparked widespread criticism of her cold demeanor and her choice of words, particularly a statement that the bloodshed represented the birth pangs of a “new Middle East.” That catchphrase was much used by Shimon Peres, the veteran Israeli leader who was a principal negotiator of the 1993 Oslo Accords, which ultimately failed to lead to the Palestinian state they envisaged.
A cartoon by Emad Hajjaj in Jordan labeled “The New Middle East” showed an Israeli tank sitting on a broken apartment house in the shape of the Arab world.
Fawaz al-Trabalsi, a columnist in the Lebanese daily As Safir, suggested that the real new thing in the Middle East was the ability of one group to challenge Israeli militarily.
Perhaps nothing underscored Hezbollah’s rising stock more than the sudden appearance of a tape from the Qaeda leadership attempting to grab some of the limelight.
Al Jazeera satellite television broadcast a tape from Mr. Zawahri (za-WAH-ri). Large panels behind him showed a picture of the exploding World Trade Center as well as portraits of two Egyptian Qaeda members, Muhammad Atef, a Qaeda commander who was killed by an American airstrike in Afghanistan, and Mohamed Atta, the lead hijacker on Sept. 11, 2001. He described the two as fighters for the Palestinians.
Mr. Zawahri tried to argue that the fight against American forces in Iraq paralleled what Hezbollah was doing, though he did not mention the organization by name.
“It is an advantage that Iraq is near Palestine,” he said. “Muslims should support its holy warriors until an Islamic emirate dedicated to jihad is established there, which could then transfer the jihad to the borders of Palestine.”
Mr. Zawahri also adopted some of the language of Hezbollah and Shiite Muslims in general. That was rather ironic, since previously in Iraq, Al Qaeda has labeled Shiites Muslim as infidels and claimed responsibility for some of the bloodier assaults on Shiite neighborhoods there.
But by taking on Israel, Hezbollah had instantly eclipsed Al Qaeda, analysts said. “Everyone will be asking, ‘Where is Al Qaeda now?’ ” said Adel al-Toraifi, a Saudi columnist and expert on Sunni extremists.
Mr. Rabbani of the International Crisis Group said Hezbollah’s ability to withstand the Israeli assault and to continue to lob missiles well into Israel exposed the weaknesses of Arab governments with far greater resources than Hezbollah.
“Public opinion says that if they are getting more on the battlefield than you are at the negotiating table, and you have so many more means at your disposal, then what the hell are you doing?” Mr. Rabbani said. “In comparison with the small embattled guerrilla movement, the Arab states seem to be standing idly by twiddling their thumbs.”
Mona el-Naggar contributed reporting from Cairo for this article, and Suha Maayeh from Amman, Jordan.

Sunday, July 23, 2006

Six Questions on the Bush Administration and the Middle East Crisis for Wayne White (Harpers.org)

Six Questions on the Bush Administration and the Middle East Crisis for Wayne White (Harpers.org):
"Wayne White, now an Adjunct Scholar with Washington's Middle East Institute, was Deputy Director of the State Department's Office of Middle East and South Asia Analysis until March 2005. On Saturday, he replied to a series of questions about the situation in Lebanon and the Bush Administration's response. By Ken Silverstein. "
HARPERS

Christopher Street Day in Berlin

From Süddeutsche Zeitung--
Christopher Street Day in Berlin
Drag-Queens, Beats und Politik
450.000 Menschen haben sich diese Show nicht entgehenlassen: Neben aufregenden Kostümen waren aber auch politische Themen von Belang.
Link to the full article:
Christopher Street Day in Berlin Drag-Queens, Beats und Politik - Panorama - sueddeutsche.de

And the following is the message of Berlin's Mayor Klaus Wowereit for the day:
Berlin - liberal und tolerant
Von Klaus Wowereit, Regierender Bürgermeister, am 22.7.2006 im Berliner Kurier
Von Sommerloch kann in diesem Jahr keine Rede sein: Nach Fußball-WM und Loveparade folgt heute der Christopher Street Day. Hunderttausende Lesben und Schwule werden zur Siegessäule ziehen. Und viele Menschen mehr stehen am Straßenrand und feiern mit.
1979 war daran noch nicht zu denken: Beim ersten Berliner CSD kam nur eine kleine Schar von Teilnehmern. Einige zogen sogar noch vermummt über den Kurfürstendamm. Die Teilnahme am CSD war damals noch eine richtige Mutprobe.
Seitdem hat sich eine ganze Menge bewegt. Das friedliche Miteinander unterschiedlicher Kulturen, Religionen und Lebensweisen ist zu einem Markenzeichen unserer Stadt geworden. Und der CSD hat sich zu einem viel beachteten Großereignis entwickelt.
Wir sollten dabei aber nicht vergessen: Auch heute noch gibt es Skepsis und Vorbehalte gegenüber Schwulen und Lesben. Toleranz hat sich leider noch nicht überall durchgesetzt. Für unser Zusammenleben ist es jedoch wichtig, dass wir einander offen und mit Respekt begegnen.
Den meisten Berlinern ist das auch bewusst. Berlin gilt heute als liberale und tolerante Metropole. Darauf können wir stolz sein. Dieses Images haben wir auch Veranstaltungen wie dem CSD zu verdanken.

Saturday, July 22, 2006

Too High a Price

Too High a Price
A very good editorial from "The Nation" pointing out who the beneficiaries of the current war actions in Lebanon are: not, as its leaders and much of its population may hope, Israel itself by such an impressive use of force, but indeed Hezbollah and Hamas with their dramatically inferior military force and appeal to all those bombed in the current actions in Lebanon.

Monday, July 17, 2006

WEEP ! WAIL !! PLEURER !! GÉMIR !! WEINEN !! SCHLUCHZEN !!

Weep for all where bombs explode and rockets hit ! Weep for populations victimized by so-called leaders whose only answers are weapons and death ! Weep for humanity as the world teeters ever further away from all things human and ever nearer the technologized ubiquity of death !

Sunday, July 16, 2006

On Iran, Giving Futility Its Chance

On Iran, Giving Futility Its Chance
Link to a truly frightening possible plan in what's left of the bushbaby's head for what's left of the Middle East!

The Observer | Focus | Israel's response risks its security

Israel's response risks its security
by Henry Siegman
Sunday July 16, 2006
© The Observer
In Lebanon as in Gaza, it is not Israel's right to protect its civilian population from terrorist aggression that is at issue. It is the way Israel goes about exercising that right.
Despite bitter lessons from the past, Israel's political and military leaders remain addicted to the notion that, whatever they have a right to do, they have a right to overdo, to the point where they lose what international support they had when they began their retaliatory measures.
Israel's response to the terrorist assault in Gaza and the outrageous and unprovoked Hizbollah assault across its northern border in Lebanon, far from providing protection to its citizens, may well further undermine their security by destabilising the wider region.
On the surface, the situations in Gaza and in Lebanon may seem similar, but there are important differences. No matter how one judges the rights and wrongs of the recent Hamas assaults and Israeli reprisals, in Gaza the fundamental casus belli is Israel's occupation that has now lasted for nearly 40 years. Israel's leaders continue to suffer from the delusion they can defeat violent Palestinian resistance to that occupation without offering the Palestinians a credible, non-violent political path to statehood, promised in various international agreements.
Following the precedent set by Ariel Sharon with his unilateral disengagement from Gaza, his successor as Israel's Prime Minister, Ehud Olmert, believes that if Israel dodges the bullet of a bilateral peace negotiation with the Palestinians - something it has successfully done so far by claiming 'there is no Palestinian partner for peace' - it will be able to create unilaterally a rump Palestinian state that will leave in Israeli hands large chunks of Palestinian territory and make a mockery of Palestinian national aspirations.
Despite the massive imbalance of forces, the Palestinians will never abide such an outcome. In 1988 and in 1993, as part of the Oslo agreement, they recognised Israel's legitimacy in 78 per cent of what used to be the Palestine mandate, leaving themselves with 22 per cent, less than half the territory assigned to them by the United Nations in 1947. No Palestinian leader, now or in the future, will agree to further Israeli land grabs to accommodate settlements established in violation of international agreements and international law, whose illegality even the utterly one-sided Bush administration has had to concede. On this territorial issue, as on that of Israel's efforts to deny Palestinians the right to site the capital of their prospective state in East Jerusalem, there is no daylight between any of the Palestinian parties. President Mahmoud Abbas would be no less unyielding on these issues in a negotiation with Israel than would Hamas.
On the other side of the Israeli-Palestinian divide, if Hamas wishes to enable the international community, and particularly European countries, to end sanctions that have so brutally punished the Palestinians, it must at least be prepared to say that, even if it is now unwilling to pronounce on Israel's legitimacy - given Israel's continued violation of previous agreements and its ongoing theft of Palestinian land for its settlements - the elimination of the state of Israel is not Hamas's goal. Rather its goal is a sovereign Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza.
Hamas must understand that Palestinian violence to punish Israelis is self-defeating. The new Hamas regime will achieve nothing if it is not prepared to offer Israel a non-violent political path to security within Israel's pre-1967 borders. Hamas cannot have it both ways: it cannot demand recognition by the international community as the legitimate government of the Palestinian Authority if it is not willing to enforce law and order. It must be willing to suppress the various militias and end their illegal activities. Otherwise, its proposals for a hudna [truce] with Israel remain meaningless.
Similarly, the Lebanese government cannot allow the uninhibited operation of Hizbollah's militia and its freedom to violate international borders at will and still maintain its own legitimacy. That said, Israel will quickly lose what international support it had for opposing Hizbollah's terrorism if it continues its assaults in Lebanon without regard to the consequences not only for Lebanon and for the wider region, but for its own long-term security as well.
Indeed, the point of Hizbollah's aggression is the expectation that Israel would act in ways that will only deepen its isolation. Nothing is likely to achieve the goal of Israel's enemies more effectively than disproportionate measures that even its friends cannot support.
Hizbollah's naked aggression against Israel has nothing to do with the Palestinian cause. The two are linked only in the following sense: Hizbollah would not have attacked Israel if it could not have invoked Israel's assaults on Gaza's civilian population as its pretext. As long as Israel's policies allow this conflict to fester, it remains vulnerable to the depredations of radical groups that will exploit the Palestinian tragedy for their own ends.
· Henry Siegman is a Senior Fellow on the Middle East at the Council on Foreign Relations, a visiting professor at the Sir Joseph Hotung Middle East Program of the School of Oriental and African Studies in London and former head of the American Jewish Congress. These views are his own.
Link to the original publication.

Wednesday, July 12, 2006

Playpen finally to do what it said it would never do and now claims it was always doing!

My Way News - U.S. Will Give Detainees Geneva Rights
This report is welcome news, that the bushbaby and his playmates are at least willing to abide by the law after the Supreme Court finally rubs their noses in the souring spilled milk of abuse slattered all over them.
Now Congress should hold up its end and demand truly judicial proceedings for those so long detained without charges or trial.
One might suggest the playpen join the bushbaby in a mandatory reading of the Constitution and the Bill of Rights every morning instead of dreaming up problems about burning flags or "praying" for guidance from the "lord", which a bushbaby on a mission after finally getting on the wagon after so many years of staggering around only thinks is another rubber stamp.
You have to force some people to do the right thing!

Wednesday, July 5, 2006

Put away the flags | The Progressive

Put away the flags The Progressive
A healthy perspective - and a lesson all countries should learn!

Sunday, July 2, 2006

Supreme Court upholds the democratic system !

Hooray: the Supreme Court blocked war crimes trials for Guantanamo detainees,
chastizing the bushbaby and his anti-terror policies, ruling that the playpen idea of trying Guantanamo Bay detainees in military tribunals violates U.S. and international law.

Even after packing the court, the bushbaby has fortunately not gotten it under his control.
Dictatorship is somewhat averted, hopefully more such rulings will follow.

Tuesday, June 27, 2006

On the bushbaby and who's stupid...

Convinced the American public is too stupid to notice anything, the bushbaby, furious that the NY Times did its job of informing the public about what's going on in the world, now wants to make the American public think that "the terrorists" only found out from the NY Times that the US is trying to watch them and where their money flows .

"If you want to figure out what the terrorists are doing, you try to follow their money," the president said. "And that's exactly what we're doing. And the fact that a newspaper disclosed it makes it harder to win this war on terror."
Right, bushbaby! Since the terrorists are so stupid, they'd have never known that you were trying to follow their money, especially since your UN reps have been openly begging other countries to do the same in Security Council sessions for years, since this matter is OPENLY discussed in the parliaments of other DEMOCRACIES, and since the only people who probably might have thought you were NOT spying on bank accounts were the rather dazed citizens of the United States unfortunate enough not to have access to media or languages available and used beyound your borders.
The rest of the world has never thought you would leave any dirty spying undone, bushbaby, and in particular not those citizens of Germany who all know of the dirty spying inflicted on them by the Gestapo and more recently by the Stasi.
But you, bushbaby, still claim to be destroying democracy in order to protect it. More power away from you, that is all that remains to be desired!

Tuesday, June 20, 2006

Change your thinking....

From Hölderlin's letter to Johann Ebel in Paris, 10 January, 1797:
« Ich glaube an eine künftige Revolution der Gesinnungen und Vorstellungsarten, die alles bisherige schamrot machen wird. »
From François Fédier's L'irréprochable in L'INFINI 95, Été 2006, p. 153:
« L'injonction : avoir à répondre de ce qui a fait entrer notre être au sein du partage que nous adresse la parole -- tout être humain, en tant qu'être humain, en est aujourd'hui requis -- d'une requête qui ne fait plus qu'un désormais avec la condition de l'homme moderne. »

Monday, June 19, 2006

Tuesday, June 13, 2006

Humpty-Dumpty's Memorial- "neither more nor less"

To make sure more understand, I have translated the beginning of this exellent piece from one of Berlin's daily newspapers on the utter cynicism of the bushbaby playpen's reaction to the suicides of three Guantánamo victims:
When torture isn't torture, but a legitimate form of national defense, when the systematic abuse of international law is no violation of the law, but an adaptation to altered realities, when the negation of human dignity is no attack on human dignity, but its most effective defense, then quite naturally, the suicide of prisoners-of-war in Guantánamo who are not prisoners-of-war, but imprisoned kamikaze fighters, is no longer a suicide, but a kamikaze attack. This is the perfect logic of the camp commander [...] the logic of insanity, the insanity that has coopted American policy since it plunged the world into a "war on terror" in the name of freedom, democracy, and human rights.
The author quite properly compares the playpen's version of language and the comprehension thereof to that practiced by Humpty-Dumpty in Lewis Carroll's Through the Looking Glass, where, challenged by Alice concerning his false definition of a word, Humpty-Dumpty explains:
" 'When I use a word,' Humpty Dumpty said in rather a scornful tone, 'it means just what I choose it to mean-- neither more nor less.' "
Here follows the complete article in the German original:

Reprinted from Berliner Zeitung, 13.06.2006 ©

Goggelmoggels Denkmal
Christian Bommarius
Wenn Folter nicht Folter ist, sondern eine legitime Form staatlicher Selbstverteidigung, wenn die systematische Verletzung des Völkerrechts kein Rechtsbruch ist, sondern die Anpassung an veränderte Realitäten, wenn die Negation der Menschenwürde kein Angriff auf die Menschenwürde ist, sondern ihre wirksamste Verteidigung, dann ist naturgemäß der Selbstmord von Kriegsgefangenen in Guantanamo, die keine Kriegsgefangenen sind, sondern eingesperrte Selbstmordattentäter, kein Selbstmord mehr, sondern ein Selbstmordattentat. Folgerichtig hat der Kommandant des Lagers, Konteradmiral Harry B. Harris jr., die Selbstmorde von drei Inhaftierten am vergangenen Wochenende als verbrecherischen Anschlag bezeichnet:" Ich glaube, das war kein Akt der Verzweiflung, sondern ein Akt der asymmetrischen Kriegsführung." Harry B. Harris jr. ist zu Gute zu halten, dass aus ihm nicht der General gesprochen hat und nicht einmal der Kommandant des Lagers von Guantanamo, sondern die Logik des Wahns - es ist der Wahn, der die US-amerikanische Politik ergriffen hat, seit sie sich und die Welt im Namen der Freiheit, der Demokratie und der Menschenrechte in den "war on terror" stürzte.
Mit den Gesetzen dieser Logik hat Lewis Carroll in "Alice hinter den Spiegeln" die Öffentlichkeit bekannt gemacht: "Wenn das keine Glocke ist." - "Ich verstehe nicht, was Sie mit Glocke meinen", sagte Alice. - Goggelmoggel lächelte verächtlich: "Wie solltest Du auch - ich meinte: Wenn das kein einmalig schlagender Beweist ist!" - "Aber Glocke heißt doch gar nicht einmalig schlagender Beweis", wandte Alice ein. "Wenn ich ein Wort gebrauche", sagte Goggelmoggel in recht hochmütigem Ton, "dann heißt es genau, was ich für richtig halte - nicht mehr und nicht weniger." - "Es fragt sich nur", sagte Alice, "ob man Wörter einfach etwas anderes heißen kann." - "Es fragt sich nur", sagte Goggelmoggel, "wer der Stärkere ist, weiter nichts."
Diese Frage glaubte die US-Regierung seit den Anschlägen vom 11. September 2001 beantwortet zu haben. Sie ließ kaum etwas unversucht, die Autorität des Völkerrechts der Macht des durch den "Anti-Terror-Krieg" geschaffenen Faktischen zu unterstellen, sie zu suspendieren, sofern sie sich störend, also disziplinierend, bemerkbar machte, sie zu desavouieren, wo sie sich im Namen der Demokratie und Menschenrechte dem Kreuzzug für Demokratie und Menschenrechte in den Weg zu stellen versuchte. Den hybriden Versuch, eine vermeintlich überlegene Moral gegen das Völkerrecht auszuspielen, haben beide mit ihrem Zusammenbruch bezahlt: das Völkerrecht mit der ersten Rakete, die die "Koalition der Willigen" seinerzeit auf Bagdad abgeschossen hat, die Moral unter der Flut von Bildern, die von amerikanischen Bewachern gefolterte irakische Gefangene in Abu Ghoreib zeigten, und unter den unaufhörlichen Berichten über die lebenden Toten von Guantanamo. Das erstere hat die US-Regierung nicht nur in Kauf genommen, sondern gezielt herbeigeführt - das Völkerrecht erschien ihr als Vorwand der Weltgemeinschaft, der Supermacht und deren bewehrter Moral in den Arm zu fallen. Der Bankrott dieser Moral aber, der sich in den Fotos von Abu Ghoreib und den Nachrichten aus Guantanamo manifestiert, hat nicht nur den Militäreinsatz im Irak und den "war on terror" gleichermaßen delegitimiert, unausgesprochen, aber unüberhörbar verkündet er die Botschaft, die dieser so genannte "war on terror" nur mehr bereit hält: Folter oder Barbarei.
Ein Staat kann Gefangenen alle Rechte verweigern, er kann sie ohne Angabe von Gründen, unbefristet und ohne juristische Kontrolle in ein Lager sperren - aber er kann das nicht als Rechtsstaat tun. Ein Staat kann, sofern er die militärischen Mittel hat, das Völkerrecht torpedieren, er kann Unverdächtige zu Verdächtigen, Verdächtige zu Terroristen und Terroristen zu Vogelfreien erklären - das kann er, aber er kann es nicht im Namen der Demokratie und der Menschenrechte. Ein Staat kann den Angriffskrieg zur Notwehr erklären, er kann zum Schutz der Zivilbevölkerung Zivilisten massakrieren, er kann die Folter als "strenges Verhör" deklarieren und das "strenge Verhör" als Gebot der Stunde - aber die einzige Logik, auf die er sich dabei berufen kann, ist die Logik des Wahns. Das Lager von Guantanamo ist ihr Symbol, die drei Selbstmörder sind ihre Konsequenzen. Mit Guantanamo hat die US-Regierung Goggelmoggel ein Denkmal gesetzt.
© Berliner Zeitung, 13.06.2006

Friday, June 9, 2006

In the hopes it will jolt some out of darkness...

At least a few innocent people more may be preserved from death through that of at least this one terrorist murderer al-Z...
Let us hope that efforts to make of him a martyr will fail, succumbing, I hope, to the efforts of some to make many more THINK and desire LIFE.
No thinking person will shed even a single tear for the obscurantist and fundamentalist and treacherously exploitive al Zarqawi.
All thinking people will continue to work for an end to the killing of humans by other humans of different opinions, races, sexes, practices, religons, whatever.
Think about what is to be pondered...
In darkness, light can be seen.

Tuesday, June 6, 2006

Einzig der Mensch... Man alone... L'homme seul...

» Einzig der Mensch unter allem Seienden erfährt, angerufen von der Stimme des Seins, das Wunder aller Wunder: d a ß Seiendes i s t. «
-M. Heidegger: Nachwort zu: »Was ist Metaphysik?«, 1943.

Of all beings, man alone, called upon by the voice of Being, experiences the wonder of wonders: that being is.

De tous les étants, l'homme seul, appelé par la voix de l'Être, éprouve le miracle des miracles : que l'étant est.

BushBaby seeks Sharia for the American Playpen!

Now I understand why the bushbabies in Iraq do nothing to stop the murder of gay men by fundamentalists carrying out the orders of Shiite fundamentalists. Apparently the bushbaby and his playpen are determined to institute religious laws in the US, transforming the whole country into the type of playpen that the Taliban in Afghanistan had and want again with the assistance of al Q, that Iran imposes on its people, and that Iraqi fundamentalists seek.
The question remains: Why is the playpen engaged in military action against those whose opinions and beliefs it is obviously fonder of than of those of Americans and Europeans committed to human rights, justice, and democracy? Should the bushbaby and co finally be placed on a list of terrorist organizations? They obviously seek the destruction of the democratic order of the Western World !